letters usually stand for Uniform. Resource Locator—the unique address of any file that is accessible via the internet. But in the world of internet start-ups, URL has another meaning: Ubiquity first, Revenue Later.

This pretty much describes the strategy of most big online social networks, which over the past few years have concentrated on piling on users rather than worrying about profits. That has allowed them to build huge followings, but it has also raised a big question-mark over their ability to make money from the audiences they have put together.

And the issue is whether the social-networking industry can come up with a wildly successful form. of advertising in the same way that Google has been able to make billions of dollars from the targeted ads that run alongside the search results it serves up.

Without such a formula, runs the argument, social networks such as Facebook will never amount to much. Doubters claim that the networks face two big handicaps. The first is that people logged into social-networking sites are there to hang out with their friends, so they will pay no attention to ads. The second is that because the sites let users generate their own content, they will find it hard to attract advertisers because brands will not want to take the risk of appearing alongside examples of profanity, obscenity or nudity—or all three at once.

The broader outlook for networking sites is more encouraging. One reason is that advertisers are being drawn to the leading sites by their sheer scale. Facebook&39;s audience is bigger than any TV network that has ever existed on the face of the earth. Another thing that has attracted companies is the networks&39; ability to target ads with laser-like precision, thanks to the data they hold on their users&39; ages, gender, interests and so forth. Although there are still lingering concerns about brands appearing next to racy content, firms seem more willing to run this risk now that the networks&39; advertising proposition has become more compelling.

In addition to advertising-driven business model, networks are already making healthy profits from sales of games and virtual goods. The beauty of this business for social networks is that the cost of producing and storing virtual inventory is minimal. Moreover, because these are closed markets, networks can fix prices at levels that generate fat margins. To some, the notion that big money can be made from selling make-believe items may seem bizarre. But the practice replicates the physical presents that people give to one another to cement relationships in the real world.

at in Europe. What we can call the "first wave" of food safety measures came with the pasteurization of milk and milk products and the introduction of rigid and effective hygiene systems in the production chain, mainly from the dairy and the abattoir to the supermarket. //

The "second wave" of food safety measures came with the widespread introduction of HACCP, the hazard control system for the production chain.

Yet, since the early 1980s, we have seen a marked increase in the reports of food-borne diseases, resulting from chemical or pathogenic contamination. //

The number of confirmed cases of human disease caused by Salmonella has increased significantly since 1985—as much as five-fold in some European countries. For Campylobacter the increase has in some countries been even higher. Even though some of this could reflect better reporting, I believe everybody would agree that these problems are of a size that warrants action. //

This situation, and associated loss of public confidence, suggests that something has gone wrong. We need a "third wave" of food safety measures.

This third wave must be a focus on the direct risk to humans. We need to begin with the epidemiology of food-borne diseases and track them back through the food chain, all the way to the farm. This represents a tremendous challenge for the governments of Europe. //

It means building up the capacity—and making effective use of expertise in assessing risks to human health. It means building up capacity for epidemiological tracking and mapping of food-related diseases, something that until now has held a rather low priority among most health authorities. It means improving our data collection efforts for both the pathogens in the food and human disease, so that the data are comparable both along the whole food chain and between regions and countries. We always have to remember that food chains are international. //

And it will mean that officials concerned with agricultural productivity, and officials responsible for the health of populations, work together. Not only must they communicate. They must collaborate closely so that they can quickly trace back each incident of suspected food-borne disease to its source, analyze the size and geography of the problem and suggest both short and long term remedial measures. //

This all calls for political action. People—both as consumers and producers—expect their government officials to work together for the common good. They demand this of those who represent them in government. Not only do they expect their politicians to make sure that government works in the primary interests of those who consume food: they also expect politicians to take action based on expert evidence. This calls for political courage, and for openness in government processes, so that risk assessment and analysis are transparent and available for public scrutiny. Only then can public health be maintained, and—at the same time—consumer confidence be restored. //

This will mean a restructuring of agricultural ministries so that they move beyond a primary focus on economic issues. They need to represent the interests of the whole community— producers, processors and consumers. This kind of transformation will make for a healthier base for the future of the industry: this is already taking place in several European countries.

The current efforts of the European Commission to strengthen and focus the scientific advice for food safety are an important contribution to the reforms already taking place in several countries. //

It will also mean that ministries of health have to take interest in, and give priority to, action to monitor and prevent food-borne illness. They would need

潑水節(jié)

傣族的潑水節(jié)是在四月十三至十五號，這三天也是他們族的新年節(jié)日。傣族的節(jié)慶活動(dòng)一共分三個(gè)層次，一天一個(gè)花樣兒。第一天，大家清掃各家房屋，清理四周環(huán)境。第二天，人們傾巢而出，涌向各個(gè)大街小巷，用或鍋或桶，盛滿水，互相潑水嬉鬧。傣族人認(rèn)為這些純水能為他們帶來好運(yùn)。最后一天，人們便劃龍舟，放高升，不亦樂乎。

關(guān)于潑水節(jié)的來歷，民間流傳著一個(gè)故事。很久很久以前，一個(gè)魔王覬覦景洪這塊肥沃多產(chǎn)的土地，便霸占了該地，還強(qiáng)迫七位美麗的傣族姑娘做他的“夫人”。當(dāng)?shù)乩习傩蘸尥噶怂@些姑娘們也想盡辦法要除掉它。

一天，“七夫人”想了個(gè)主意。她用美酒灌醉他，甜言蜜語地奉承他，終于套出了他的死穴：原來只有用這魔頭自己的一縷頭發(fā)勒住他的脖子，才能將其置于死地。

很快魔王就醉醺醺地睡去了。七姑娘便如法炮制，勒住魔頭的脖子，魔王的頭果然就骨溜溜滾到了地上。這個(gè)魔頭本是個(gè)火魔，所以它頭滾到哪兒，哪兒就燃起熊熊大火。七位“夫人”和眾人一起奮力朝火上潑水，最終火熄滅了。以后幾百年里，傣族人民每年都要?dú)g慶斬除妖魔，慶祝“潑水節(jié)”。

The North-South Conflict

The North-South conflict derives its name from the simple fact that, almost without exception, the wealthy nations of the world are in the Northern Hemisphere and the poorer nations lie to their south. Generally speaking, the North consists of the United States, Canada, Europe excluding Albania, Israel, Russia and the other newly independent former Soviet republics (although this is a matter of debate), Japan, South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand. The remaining states of the world, numbering over 110, are the South.

The South has been and is described by many terms -- the Third World, the Developing World, and the Less Developed Countries (LDCs), to name just a few. Again speaking in general terms the countries of the South share two attributes: they have had a colonial past dominated by European powers and they are poor.

Despite obtaining formal independence, many Developing World states have discovered to their chagrin that they remain economically and politically dependent on their former colonial masters. Trade ties and investment patterns established during decades of colonial rule were rarely terminated by the attainment of political sovereignty. From the viewpoint of Developing World countries, this economic dependence carried with it unavoidable political subservience. Thus, even though a Developing World state may have sought to establish its own political-economic independence, it could not.

Such a relationship between former colonial metropolises and their former colonies is termed neocolonialism. Although interpretations of neocolonialism differ on a case-by-case and region-by-region basis, a unifying thrust of the South is to escape this neocolonial relationship.

In part, the Developing World's desire to escape political-economic dependency explains its hostility toward both the West and Western institutions such as the World Bank and multinational corporations. Developing states often resent the World Bank's insistence that they provide full disclosure of financial data, and having had numerous occasions to witness the linkage between economic strength and political power, governments of the less developed states often were skeptical of the claim promulgated by Western state actors and non-state actors alike that no political concessions would be sought if investment opportunities were awarded.

The South, then, was on the horns of a dilemma as it sought to achieve political-economic independence. Full political and economic independence could be achieved only if Developing World states could strengthen their economic autonomy. In most cases, however, that required increased reliance on external sources of finance and expertise. To many Developing World countries, such external economic reliance implied continued political dependence.

Above all else, Developing World counties see their plight of poverty and dependence as the result of past colonial exploitation and current economic inequities in international trade, pricing, and exchange mechanisms. As a result, the South seeks both expanded aid from the North and a restructuring of the existing international economic order. In short, the South desires a New International Economic Order (NIEO).

try

ecome a minor celebrity.